Canada, China and the 2008 Olympics

 

Statement by the Hon. Senator Consiglio Di Nino

 

The 2008 Beijing Olympics presents both the world and China with a rare and unique opportunity. As China continues its rush to become a superpower, both economic and military, it is critical that it not be isolated.

 

Isolation, if it is really possible for a modern trading country of the 21st century in today’s globally connected world will result in increasing tensions which could lead to further mistrust and misunderstandings.

 

Those whose interests are served by this type of negative environment will be given the ammunition to sow additional distrust which will not necessarily advance the cause of human rights within China or more responsible international conduct by the Beijing regime.

 

As tempting as it may be, I do not support an Olympic Boycott, an opinion shared by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Firstly, it would be seen by the Chinese citizens as punishment for actions few of them have had any involvement in. The 2008 Olympics are a coming out party for China. All Chinese, or at least most of them, would be offended. Their day in the sun would be rained upon, surely resulting in a deterioration of relationships.

 

Secondly, it would embolden hardliners in the government and the Communist Party, creating or heightening friction between the regime and members of the international community. They will seize upon the opportunity to portray legitimate diplomatic protest as an exercise of “them against us,” to prop up their brittle legitimacy as the voice of the Chinese people and nation. They will distort the displeasure directed at the leadership’s conduct as being an attack on all Chinese.

 

At least one result will likely be even tougher treatment of minorities, including Tibetans, Falong Gong, Uighurs, and other members of groups already struggling with marginalization.

 

I have mixed feelings on boycotting the opening ceremonies by heads of state and governments. But, if the Chinese leaders do not show some serious movement towards meeting their obligations entered into when the Games were awarded them, then I would support the boycott of the opening ceremonies.  After all, representations made by Chinese officials were unequivocal. They said the Games would lead to promotion of human rights and that all areas of China would be opened up to media scrutiny. Unfortunately, neither pledge has been honoured.

 

Hopefully the mere threat of a boycott will convince China’s leaders to seriously begin to address the world’s concerns.

 

These concerns are about fundamental rights and freedoms, labour laws, the rule of law, press freedom, the right to dissent and free speech, environmental issues, and support for a host of unsavory regimes in places such as Burma, and Sudan among others.

 

All of these areas have been written and spoken about extensively. The question is: are China’s leaders listening? We know that they are hearing us by their often belligerent reaction, but are they listening? If the answer is yes, it is barely audible, although on Tibet it seems that the strong criticism has recently abated to some small degree.

 

It is a positive sign that following the widespread unrest all across the vast Tibetan Plateau in March officials, have met with representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in what has been described as a “respectful” dialogue. Maybe the Chinese leaders have realized that even subjugated citizens also have rights. We are also hearing about a resurgence of Chinese spiritual and religions practices. And yet the Falun Gong crackdown, continues unabated.

 

Many world leaders have weighed in on these criticisms of Beijing. Presidents, prime ministers, and others heads of governments and states have spoken in favour of a more open and democratic China which embraces rather than rejects universal standards of conduct that are global values without borders.

 

Entertainment icons such as Steven Spielberg and Richard Gere have been particularly critical of the government’s denial of their citizens’ fundamental rights and freedoms, and the support given to brutal regimes elsewhere.

 

The May 2008 National Geographic special issue on China raises a number of disturbing questions, but also identifies a number of encouraging developments.

 

It refers to China’s surveillance and censorship machine and their impact on its people. And yet, it also states that last year public protests rose by 50 percent. It points out that 31 percent of adults say they are religious, which contradicts official estimates of less than ten percent.

 

The environment remains a major problem for China and indeed the world. As economic activity increases, the negative impact of lax environmental practices are being felt inside and outside China. The erosion of soil, the mismanagement of water, and the emission of pollutants in the air affect not only its citizens, but the hundreds of millions who live in the region. In the case of climate change, the country’s policies will affect the whole world.

 

China’s refusal to allow foreign journalists into Tibet and other areas of conflict critically undermines the credibility of China’s attempts to blame others for existing problems, including Tibetans and the Dalai Lama, for the recent widespread popular unrest.

 

The fact that the Chinese government would deny Louise Arbour entry into conflict areas as the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to personally witness the situation is a black mark on the credibility of the Chinese leadership. It comes, I might add, at a time when thousands of Tibetans are still in detention, and reports of torture and extra-judicial killings continue to surface. If the government truly believes in its version of events, it should welcome the entry and investigation of independent observers.

 

Across the People’s Republic of China engaging in political dissent carries a heavy and sometimes deadly penalty. Dozens of people are still in jail for protesting in Tiananmen Square in 1989. The lawyers who publicly stated they would represent Tibetans detained during the March uprising have been disbarred, dismissed, or demoted. Just three days ago on June 8, a Tibetan nun staged a peaceful protest in a Tibetan area of Sichuan, not far from the earthquake’s epicenter. She was surrounded by security forces, kicked punched, and hit with iron rods before being taken away. It is emblematic of the heavy price dissidents have been paying for decades.

 

The net of government suspicion also reaches beyond the citizenry of the People’s Republic. Canadians and other visiting foreigners are being forced to leave the country. According to a June 5 Globe and Mail article, thousands are being ejected from the country and Beijing is warning foreign Olympic spectators that they will be banned from any political activities and prevented from brining any printed material that is “detrimental to China’s politics.” It begs the question – just what does the logo One World One Dream really mean?

 

In considering that question, the world should concern itself with the misuse and abuse of the Olympic movement by the IOC, many states and the corporate world. Certainly in the past 6 or 7 decades the Olympic symbols have been politicized and commercialized to a degree that I believe destroys the Olympic spirit and ideals. The agreement by the IOC to allow the Olympic torch to be carried through Tibet is perhaps one the most egregious examples. To the Tibetans it will be seen as a symbol of subjugation and its passage through their homeland an act of humiliation. Neither the IOC nor the torch’s corporate sponsors seem to care for these concerns. Nor do they seem to care about the violence the torch run through Tibet may spark.

 

Having said all of this, I am encouraged by the Chinese authorities’ actions and even-handed comments in the past month or so. The openness shown during the recent tragic earthquake is a welcome change. Domestic and international media have been allowed to cover the tragedy and to a limited extent, public criticism of government actions have been allowed. This openness stands in stark contrast with the behavior of the Burmese Junta’s refusal to accept outside help which have undoubtedly resulted in thousands of lives lost.

 

The Chinese leadership’s brutal verbal attacks against those who oppose them appear to have moderated. Although I am skeptical, and reject blind optimism, I sincerely hope these recent signs and the tens of thousands of visitors descending on China to participate in and be spectators at the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games will further expand the understanding, appreciation and respect for the universality of fundamental rights and freedoms.

 

As I stated at the outset, the Olympic Games present China with a unique opportunity to send a strong message to the world that it is ready to take its place as a truly great member of the world’s great nations. As an eternal optimist, I hope it does not squander it.

 

 

 

Presented at the Canadian Coalition for Democracies Symposium

The People’s Republic of China: Foreign Policy Risks and Opportunities

Tuesday, June 10, 2008
Room 200, West Block, Parliament Hill, Ottawa, Canada

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