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Sat, May 26, 2007
The
capacity of Palestinian militants with their supporters among the wider
Palestinian community in the Middle East and elsewhere to self-destruct
seems to be hard-wired into their politics. This is again in evidence
in the newest round of violence sparked by Palestinian militants of
Fatah al-Islam linked with al-Qaida in the Nahr el-Bared refugee camps
in Tripoli, Lebanon. The purpose of al-Qaida is unambiguous. It
is to undermine political order through terror in pursuing the
strategic goal of precipitating sectarian conflicts within Muslim
countries. Violence and disorder, al-Qaida operatives
believe, will contribute to the making of Islamist revolution and
seizure of power by those allied to the aims of al-Qaida as were the
Taliban in Afghanistan. Palestinian Islamists gathered under the
banner of Hamas are joined to al-Qaeda and ready to do the biddings of
regimes, such as Iran and Syria. Their war (jihad) against Israel is
part of the larger war against the West in general and the United
States in particular. The appearance of Fatah al-Islam in the
Palestinian refugee camps located in Lebanon comes as no surprise, and
its confrontation with the Lebanese state is not much different than
that of the Hezbollah in undermining the authority of the central
government in Beirut.
A
weak Lebanese state has fallen prey to the wider politics of its
neighbour, in particular Syria whose rulers in Damascus have viewed
Lebanon for a long time as their doormat. The question that hovers over the current
violence in Lebanon is to what extent this serves Syrian interests,
converging with the strategic purpose of al-Qaida, to destabilize a
weak and communally divided country. The answer is likely a great deal. The
present crisis coincides with efforts in the Security Council to
establish a tribunal under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter for bringing to
trial suspects in the February 2005 murder of Rafik Hariri, the former
prime minister of Lebanon. Kofi Annan as Secretary-General appointed
Germany's Detlev Mehlis as the Commissioner of the UN investigation
into the murder of Hariri in May 2005. The Commission's report
concluded "many leads point directly towards Syrian security officials
as being involved with the assassination." The Syrian regime views the UN effort to
bring Hariri's murderers to trial as an existential threat. The regime
is a family-clan business under the present dictator Bashar Assad, and
the regime has a record of ruthlessness in maintaining power. But Hariri's murder sparked a popular
outcry among Lebanese known as the "Cedar Revolution," and it forced
Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon that had come to be seen as an
occupation stretching over nearly three decades. Damascus has been reluctant to accept
Lebanon's relative freedom from its control. Some Lebanese -- such as
journalists Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir -- critical of Syria have
paid with their lives while others have been intimidated by Syrian
goons associated with the Hezbollah. Palestinian militants of Fatah al-Islam
might be independent of the Syrian regime and financed by sources not
linked to Damascus. But the timing of their confrontation with the
Lebanese military is indicative of their collaboration with Syrian
authorities against the politics of the "Cedar Revolution" that runs
deep across communal divisions in a new Lebanon struggling to be born. The UN tribunal might hold a gun to the
head of the Syrian regime by unmasking the murderers of Rafik Hariri.
Damascus in turn might be warning Beirut through Palestinian thugs
linked with al-Qaida of greater harm it can unleash against Lebanon in
the future.
• You can e-mail Salim Mansur at smansurca@yahoo.ca
• Have a letter for the editor? E-mail it to torsun.editor@sunmedia.ca
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